Do street vendors deserve urban space?
Where opportunities for employment in the formal sector are not available, people start their own businesses and carve out space on the road side, beside train lines, in parks and in other public spaces to trade. This is particularly common in Asia: for example, 72% of workers in Indonesia are employed in the informal sector.
While the informal economy may provide for many in developing nations, the rights of those working in this way are rarely respected, and are often the first to be pushed aside in the name of city development, or as has occured in Jakarta, in order to reclaim green space. Deden Rukmana explores the concept of urban informality and the rights of those who exist in legal grey areas.
We often find problems associated with street vendors (pedagang kakilima) in many Indonesian cities. Street vendors do their activities in the sidewalks, city parks, cross walking bridges, and even in the streets. They are often seen as eye-sores and undesirable activities. In many cases, authorities forcibly evict street vendors in the name of urban order and cleanliness. Street vendors often resist the eviction and demand spaces for their activities. Do street vendors deserve urban space for their activities? To answer this question, I would like introduce the concept of urban informality as a framework for understanding street vendors that occur in urban areas.
The concept of urban informality started from the dichotomy between the formal sector and the informal sector discussed in the early 1970s. The informal sector is a very common phenomenon that occurs in developing countries. The percentage of the informal sector in Latin America, Sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and North Africa and South Asia ranges between 30–70 percent of the total workforce.
In Indonesia, according to data from the Statistics Central Bureau (BPS) in February 2008, 73.53 million out of 102.05 million (72%) workers worked in the informal sectors.
Although the discussions have been conducted for more than thirty years, there is no consensus on the exact definition of the informal sector (Maloney, 2004). Understanding of the informal sector is more often associated with the dichotomy between the formal and the informal sectors. The informal sector is often understood from the document issued by the International Labor Organization (1972). The ILO identified at least seven characters that distinguish these two sectors: (1) easy of entry, (2) easy to obtain raw materials, (3) the nature of ownership, (4) the scale of activities, (5) use of manpower and technology, (6) expertise requirements, and (7) deregulation and market competition.
The dichotomy of the formal and informal sectors often ignores the importance of the informal sectors with respect to urban spaces. The informal sectors are often marginalized in the urban spaces, even though the informal sectors account for 70% of the urban employment.
Ananya Roy and Nezar Alsayyad (2004) introduced the concept of informal urban areas as the logic that explains the process of urban transformation. They did not emphasize on the dichotomy of the formal and the informal sectors but on the understanding that the informal sector is parts of the economic structure of society. The urban informality is an urbanization mode that connects various economic activities and space in urban areas, not only a domain for the poor but also important for middle-class population.
Two urban theories, the Chicago School of Urban Sociology and the Los Angeles School of Urban Geography have dominated the discourse of urban development in developing countries, including in Indonesia. Both urban theories are based on phenomenon that occurred in urban cities in the United States. The Chicago School of Urban Sociology, which was developed in the early 1920s explain the development of the urban migration that is controlled by generating ecological patterns, such as invasion, survival, assimilated, adaptation and cooperation. The Los Angeles School of Urban Geography initiated in the late 1990s to explain the development of metropolitan Los Angeles in the postmodern era that emphasizes the importance of the capitalist economic and political globalization of the economy.
The dominance of both urban theories in the discourse of urban development influences the urban spatial planning in developing countries. Planning practices that replicate both urban theories through the dichotomy of developed and developing countries become ubiquitous. This becomes a problem when such a replication is no longer relevant with the unique urban phenomenon in developing countries, such as the informal sector.
The problems that arise in connection with street vendors is mostly caused by the lack of urban spaces for street vendors. The urban spatial planning that is not based on the understanding of urban informality concept will tend to ignore the demand for spaces to accommodate the informal sector, including street vendors. In addition, the dominance of the Chicago and Los Angeles Schools in the practice of urban planning in Indonesia has contributed to the lack of spaces for the informal sectors in urban areas. The spaces in urban areas are dominated by the urban sectors that have high economic value and the spaces for the informal sectors are marginalized.
The application of the concept of urban informality in understanding the phenomenon of street vendors will change our perspective on the existence of street vendors in urban areas. The street vendors are not the groups failed to enter the economic system in urban areas. They are one of the modes in the urban transformation that cannot be separated from the urban economy. They are one component of the urban economy that will benefit urban development.
The phenomenon of street vendors in Indonesian cities should be interpreted in the context of urban transformation. The application of the concept of urban informality in the practice of urban planning will allocate more urban spaces for the street vendors and integrate it with the formal sectors. The practice of urban planning in Indonesia also should not replicate the Chicago and Los Angeles schools, but modify them and take into account the unique urban phenomenon including the informal sector. The informal sectors, including street vendors, deserve more urban spaces to accommodate their activities that are parts of the urban economic system.
The new spatial planning law 26/2007 has stipulated the importance of the informal sector in urban areas, but the implementation of this new law is not fully enforced yet. The full enforcement of the new spatial planning law and the understanding of the urban informality concept are needed to ensure the availability of urban spaces for the street vendors.







Interesting article. I spent a couple of years working in Jakarta in the mid 1990s on a community-based housing project, who had bought land between Jakarta and Tangerang using a low-cost “Triguna” loan from the government — the project was called Eko Damai Mandiri and was facilitated by a pioneering architectural practice called Triaco. In our small way, we tried to integrate the informal sector into the development, seeing them as an integral part of society and economy, rather than as a problem.
This built on work that Triaco had previously done in Samarinda — the Citra Niaga complex for informal sector businesses, which won an Aga Khan Award. More info at http://insideindonesia.org/content/view/1240/47/
I’m no expert on the informal sector — and haven’t worked in Indonesia since 1996 — but I guess that a big issue is reconciling the desire to assist them as an essential part of the economy with the government’s inevitable desire to get tax revenue from them.
Dealing with the informal sector is one of the biggest challenges the Indonesian government faces.
Apart from the fact that the informal sector is part of the culture and the workers in it have economic needs, they cause for many problems as well.
Example: Many traffic jams in Jakarta or other big Indonesian cities are caused by streetvendors selling on the side of the road and apart from the traffic problem there is also their trash.
Allocating space for them is not as easy as above article suggest, I have seen many cases where there has been plenty of space for vendors to sell their goods within newly designed market spaces, but they simply refuse. The argument being they reach more customers when selling next to the road. Indonesian people tend to opt for simple solutions with maximum individual gain, the idea of collective action leading to more clean spaces or a more fluent flow of traffic simply does not come into their minds. There is always someone “freeriding” attracting others, when this goes on on everybody starts freeriding and we get the seemingly attractive chaos that can be found in most big Asian cities. Witness what happens when Indonesian wait for a train to pass by and you’ll understand exactly my point here.
What I am trying to say is that it is as much a cultural problem as it is a problem of providing space and designing better city landscapes. The solutions should be even more easy then the current state of affairs. No use building high stairs over the road for pedestrians to ease traffic, the average Asian will simply not climb up, hopping the fence and slalom through the cars is the easier option. All Indonesian seem to agree, so all of them do it.
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